La mission du MST ne s’arrête pas là. Elle milite par ailleurs pour l’accès à l’éducation dans le monde rural, crée des écoles et permet à des milliers de Brésiliens de sortir de l’illettrisme. Cependant, son action est fragilisée par le camp adverse qui détient tous les pouvoirs. Menaces, intimidations et assassinats de paysans sont fréquents et demeurent largement impunis.

En juin 2017, le photographe Jeremy Suyker s’est rendu dans l’état du Para (nord du Brésil) pour documenter le quotidien d’une occupation de paysans sans terre. « Sem Terra » relate le quotidien des 120 familles du camp Frei Henri, leur combat contre un système archaïque malhonnête et leur détermination à vivre dans la dignité coûte que coûte.

*Un latifundio est une grande propriété caractérisée à la fois par sa taille, de quelques centaines d’hectares à des dizaines de milliers et par la très faible mise en valeur des terres. Les latifundios sont le plus souvent consacrés à l’élevage extensif et à quelques cultures vivrières assurées par des paysans sans terre, liés au maître du domaine par des liens de dépendance à la fois personnelle et financière.

This work was first published in 6Mois. Get it here.
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Being Parisian, I am used to seeing a continuous flow of Chinese tourists hopping off their bus for their regular selfie in front of the Eiffel Tower or the Louvre. Before you know, they’re off to another destination. This way of travelling – fundamentally different to mine – always leaves me with mixed feelings of amusement and pity. Gradually, an idea emerged: what would it be like to undertake a journey with one of these groups?

The majority of this newly mobile middle class consults mainland travel agencies that plan their trip from start to finish. For these virgin travellers, it is crucial to visit as many countries as possible in a limited amount of time. Europe remains their number one choice amongst western destinations with heritage and shopping proving to be the main draw cards. More than a voyage, the Old Continent is a symbol of social achievement for these new crusaders; a trophy to bring home on a memory card or in the latest Louis Vuitton suitcase

I successfully managed to apply for a 10-day tour across Europe* with a Chinese journalist based in Paris. We introduced ourselves as a couple of journalists and paid 2000 euros each, which corresponds to the average money spent by Chinese for these kind of trips. On April 20^th 2015, we met our group on their arrival at Heathrow and began our fast paced journey to the West.

Our group stayed in cheap suburban hotels, miles away from city life. During the entire journey, the tourists stayed amongst themselves, forming a conventional collective life. Only when purchasing goods in high end stores and motorway rest areas did they interact with locals. Our guide had very limited knowledge of European history and his information was often incorrect. It became quite clear to us that from his perspective, Europe resembles not so much a collection of ancient cities but rather a superstore stocked with brands easy to resell. Chinese agencies have marked out a tour of their own, where the visitor is greeted in Chinese, eats in Chinese restaurants and shops in Chinese supermarkets with a list of locations that some Europeans would struggle to pinpoint on a map: Lucerne, Interlaken, Vaduz or the Swiss Alps, referred on the trip as Mount Titlis.

Starting as a journalistic curiosity, this project rapidly evolved into a photographic statement against the abuses of a system promoting consumption at the expense of service quality and meaningful human experience. To a point when a group member murmured: « When we will be asked what we remember of Europe, we will answer: “Nothing”. »

Zurkhaneh are holy places for the athletes practicing Pahlevani, an ancient sport combining bodybuilding, moving skills, music, dramatic art and religious worship. In this centuries-old ritual, men perform rhythmic movements with great passion, using tools that symbolically represent ancient weapons. Their strong devotion might seem overemphasized but it’s a fundamental aspect of the Pahlevani ceremonial. Zurkhaneh also plays a social role for these men; a place to chat politics over tea, religion and soccer.

What I discovered in Talachi Zurkhaneh was far more than a theatrical art with wrestling moves. I encountered a group of men perpetuating a sacred heritage that they pass on to future generations. Indeed fathers, as “masters”, transmit skills and manners to their sons as well as essential moral values. Most of these athletes are simple men living ordinary lives. They are postmen, butchers, shopkeepers or taxi drivers. But when they enter a Zurkhaneh, a transformation takes place. They become fighters, singers, worshipers and poets. This fascinating metamorphosis can also be seen as an echo of the remaining pre-Islamic culture and its strong legacy in modern Iran.

During the war, insurgent uprising, military occupation, extensive damage, expulsion and depopulation have marred life in Jaffna. The city was partially destroyed and the majority of the population fled to avoid death. In 1986 Jaffna came under the full control of the LTTE, but in 1995 the Sri Lankan military ousted the Tamil Tigers after a 50-day siege and have stayed in control ever since. Still today, the city remains under military authority.

Jaffna town and its environs are paradoxical. By day, they are bustling. Electricity has been partially restored, markets have opened, there are traders from the south, there is petrol and kerosene to pump. But at night, Jaffna resembles a ghost town with a self-imposed curfew on the local inhabitants, who dare not venture out as soldiers take up positions at street corners.

In 2009, the A-9 highway (the main road in the North) reopened, allowing refugees and internally displaced people to return to their homes. But the returning population creates complications: most of the refugees and the IDPs who lost their homes during the war are not able to claim land. Consequently, they are forced to live in shelters on the outskirts of town in horrible conditions (the absence of electricity and water combined unsanitary conditions lead to recurrent illnesses such as tuberculosis, typhoid and Dengue fever). The humanitarian aid on the ground is very limited and social welfare is non-existent.

Today still, Tamils live under significant restrictions, limiting cultural expression as well as social freedom. The Sri Lankan government seems unwilling to improve their quality of life. Its latent indifference only increases the ongoing injustices and makes the future of these communities very uncertain.

For years, young people were conditioned to view politics as a dangerous word, holding onto the memory of the infamous 1988 uprising, when hundreds of thousands took to the streets to protest economic mismanagement and government oppression. While politics remains a potentially dangerous venture in Burma, youngsters now have a different mindset. During the by-election campaign, numbers of young people have come out in support of their Lady. Hundreds across the country joined the National League for Democracy (NLD) and devoted themselves to bringing victory to their leader’s party. Every single one of them felt concerned and proud to participate in what they called the « democratic wave ».

Burma has a significant amount of activist organisations located in and outside the country. Generation Wave is one of them. Founded after the 2007 Saffron Revolution, « GW » is a group of young Burmese dedicated to overthrowing the military government. Its members belong to a generation of urban kids that find ways to express themselves through hip hop music and Internet. For years they operated illegally, taking great risks. Soon after the release of political prisoners early 2012 followed by encouraging political reforms, Generation Wave settled back in Burma in February 2012 and has worked openly in Yangon since.
The elections deciding Burma’s political future will take place in 2015, when 75% of the parliament will be contested. The country’s youth has a significant role to play in Suu Kyi winning the presidential elections. But it remains to be seen whether the government – and Burma’s military – will allow the NLD to win election and cede its power.